Denmark Education

Denmark Education


Denmark does not have compulsory schooling for its children but well compulsory education from the age of 7 to 16. Teaching duty differs from compulsory schooling in that parents are given the opportunity to choose teaching style for the children.

Folk teaching in Denmark is of old date. As early as 1814 the first school laws were added, and these have since been revised on a number of occasions. The most recent popular collagen law, which has been in force since 1997, has increased parental influence over teaching and introduced new teaching plans for both the nine-year school and the tenth, voluntary school year.

  • Countryaah: Get latest country flag of Denmark and find basic information about Denmark including population, religion, languages, etc.

The primary school comprises a one-year kindergarten class, a nine-year elementary school and a one-year tenth grade. Children can start primary school at the age of 5. More than a tenth student goes to private school/free school. The cost of free schools is covered by just over 80% of state resources. The children can also be taught at home, provided that the teaching gives the same knowledge as the general public school. The freedom and the state grant system have made the Danish school system very diverse with a large number of experimental schools and a positive attitude to educational experimental activities.

Teaching in the nine-year compulsory school includes Danish, sports and mathematics in all grades, English in grades 3–9, Christianity in all grades except the one where confirmation teaching takes place, history in grades 3–9, social science in grades 8–9, nature and technology and music in grades 1–6, picture in grades 1–5, craft and home knowledge in one or more of grades 4–7, biology and geography in grades 7–9, physics and chemistry, and German or French in grades 7–9, and in the grades 8–9 several optional subjects.

The grading system in Denmark, which applies to all education from primary school to university education, was changed in 2006/2007. The previous 13-degree rating scale was replaced by the so-called seven-degree scale (seven-step scale). The highest rating is 12, which corresponds to the ECTS scale A. The worst rating is -3, which corresponds to the ECTS scale F.

The Danish upper secondary education was thoroughly reformed in 2005. From a previous focus on two main courses – linguistic and mathematical line – a more differentiated education was introduced, which more closely resembles the Swedish system. The schools are given great opportunities to profile their range of education themselves and the student can choose his/her own study direction. One difference is that the Danish students only need to indicate which study orientation they intend to read, and after an introductory term with preparatory studies, they have the opportunity to reconsider their choice. The study paths after the introductory semester are divided into different types of degrees; Stx (Bachelor’s degree, general-oriented and study preparation upper secondary education), Htx (Higher technical examination, technical/science specialization) and Hhx (Higher trade degree, economic/linguistic specialization).

Another way of studying is the so-called higher preparation degree, HF, which, like the student’s degree, provides the competence to continue studies at universities and other higher education institutions. After compulsory school, students can also choose to attend vocational schools with courses between one and four years. Check topschoolsintheusa for test centers of ACT, SAT, and GRE as well high schools in the country of Denmark.

The proportion of pupils of one year studying at upper secondary level increased significantly during the 1990s, and today (2012) is about 60%. The proportion of pupils moving on to higher education and research has also increased.

Copenhagen University is the oldest in the country and was founded in 1479, Aarhus University was founded in 1928 and Odense University in 1966. In the early 1970s, Roskilde and Aalborg University were added.

The Ministry of Education has overall responsibility for the school. Denmark has traditionally a highly decentralized system of local autonomy for the individual schools and the parents have a great influence. The individual school can decide on its own curriculum, which is why there is greater variation between the schools in Denmark than in Sweden.

Denmark is the homeland of the folk high school. Its creator NF Grundtvig presented his ideas about folk high school in a series of writings, the earliest from the 1830s. The first folk high school started its operations in North Schleswig in 1844 and had as its main task the defense of the Danish in the border regions. Grundtvig’s ideas have been furthered by Christian Cold. In 2012, there were 71 approved public colleges. They have meant and meant a lot to the Danes.

Goodbye to the rule of law

Since the establishment of the first VKO government in 2001, the Danish state has violated an increasing number of international conventions that Denmark has otherwise signed and ratified. It has particularly affected refugees, immigrants and Muslims, as well as victims of the Danish war in Iraq and Afghanistan. But since 2002, the rights of the rest of the Danes have continued to erode. This development began with the adoption of the so-called «Terrorism Act» in 2002, which is formulated so broadly that it can be applied to all extra-parliamentary political activity. It was therefore no coincidence that it was first used to get Greenpeace convicted of a political action against GMO crops. The intention of the law is that only elected politicians have political rights. The rest of the population has no political rights – beyond the right to vote in the elections that the elected politicians print.

Terrorism Act II was passed in 2006 and has given powers to PET that goes far beyond both the Code of Justice and the Danish Constitution. At the same time, the secret service of the VKO governments has doubled its appropriations, and is in effect carrying out its criminal activities completely outside parliamentary control. It is unheard of in other Western societies and can be compared to the position Stasi took in former East Germany. In November 2006, PET arrested a young Muslim who was charged with calling for attacks on Danes abroad. A few days later, a conversation was made between the young and 2 PET agents who had sought to recruit him as a “stinger”. In doing so, he was promised by the secret service that he would be able to deal with drugs impunity – when he simply wanted to be their agent.

The courts have previously been reluctant to comply with the police’s wishes. demonstrations on mass custody. During the Youth House demonstrations in March 2007, this restraint was completely gone. The police’s desire for mass custody was met by both the district court and the national court. On the whole, custody is an increasingly black chapter in Denmark. In 2007, it was estimated that ¼ of the inmates in Danish prisons were in custody. Or, in other words, ¼ of the prisoners were jailed without a sentence – contrary to human rights.

And as in totalitarian states, the police have complete impunity in murder cases. Although police kill Danish citizens, a cop has not been convicted of murder since 1930 – despite both witness and video evidence of police officers’ murder.

In 2007, PET announced to the wondering public that the secret service will work in the future with similar secret services in other totalitarian states such as Syria and Egypt, and will also use information obtained by torture. Such torture information is already used in Danish courtrooms. But the changes are far more extensive. The High Court has on several occasions accepted that in court cases evidence is presented which neither the accused nor his lawyer has access to. Although this practice has not yet been formally approved by the Supreme Court, it is nevertheless accepted. The Danish judiciary has thus moved away from the path that the rule of law is moving.

The development of the Danish judiciary raises serious concern among lawyers and judges. A number of these, with former Socialist Justice Minister Ole Espersen at the forefront, have formed a circle working to illuminate the continued erosion of legal guarantees in Denmark.

In February 2008, PET conducted a raid against 3 year-olds. The intelligence service claimed that they had planned to murder one of the cartoonists who had delivered Muhammad drawings to the Jutland post two years before. However, the evidence was not strong enough that they could be convicted by a Danish court, and PET therefore used its extended powers to decide administrative deportation of 2 of those arrested. The deportation decision once again marked the settlement of Denmark as a rule of law, and met harsh criticism from lawyers.

The chief editors of a large number of newspapers forgot that no trial had been conducted, but had already convicted those arrested, and therefore decided to bring the famed cartoonist’s drawing. This triggered in the Muslim world a new Muhammad crisis and riots in a large number of Danish cities. After 15 years of frustration over the state’s and media’s hatred of refugees, immigrants and especially Muslims, as well as general racism on the part of the police, the pot boiled over and led to the burning of cars and schools. Since 2002, human rights organizations and the UN have criticized the Danish state’s policy. Yet the prime minister relinquished all responsibility, and politicians from the Danish People’s Party, the Left and the SF stood in line with rabid proposals for foot links for immigrants and deportation. Media coverage was marked by a lack of critical reflection. Meanwhile, criticism of Denmark continued in the Muslim world and from human rights experts in Europe and the United States. While the relationship between state power and the media with Muslims in Denmark is characterized as “freedom of speech”, it is characterized as religious persecution outside Denmark’s borders.

In July 2008, the Supreme Court issued an order denying and sharply criticizing the district court and the national court for the acceptance of PET’s claim for expulsion of the 2 Århusians. The Supreme Court ruled that the district court and the national court had left the foundations of a rule of law: that evidence must be available if a person is to be sentenced – in this case, imprisonment. Both the district court and the national court had accepted PET’s claim for deportation without the presence of evidence. The Supreme Court ordered that the deportation case against the two should go through district court and national court. PET did not understand the verdict. Its head, Jacob Scharff, stated in a brief press release that PET had provided the necessary evidence and would do so again by reviewing the two bodies.

During the renewed treatment in the fall, the district court first and then the national court upheld the custody. In November, the Supreme Court therefore intervened for the second time in the case, declared that the district court and the national court had once again delivered orders without evidence and released the two Tunisians – one of whom had already fled abroad. In response, newly appointed Attorney General Brian Mikkelsen struck another nail in the state coffin by vertically disagreeing with the Supreme Court’s ruling: “I have seen PET’s evidence and they are good enough and we cannot have people dangerous to the state security running freely around ». At the same time, the Minister announced that he wanted to set up courts independent of the existing judiciary that could handle such security cases, where the Minister and PET believe persons are dangerous to state security, without any evidence. At the same time, Mikkelsen announced the urgent adoption of a so-called «Tunisian law» (special laws are prohibited, cf.The Constitution), which was to convict the remaining Århusian Tunisians to spend the nights in the Sandholm camp in North Zealand. Amnesty International pointed out that the law contravenes the UN Declaration of Human Rights, and Danish constitutional experts pointed out that the law is in violation of the Constitution. In February 2009, defense attorneys succeeded in forcing PET to submit 10 pages of censored “evidence” that revealed gross tampering with “the evidence.” PET had been mistakenly translated from Arabic and tampered with other material, prompting Professor of Law Eva Smith from the University of Copenhagen to declare that there was no evidence and that it had to make the politicians who had adopted the “Tunisian Act” based on PET’s lies “Sit back with a bad taste in your mouth”.

In the spring of 2008, the Parliament approved and ratified the EU’s new constitution, the so-called Lisbon Treaty. The first edition of the Constitution was voted down two years earlier in France and the Netherlands. This time, therefore, EU citizens should not be involved in the process. The only EU country that got their democratic right to vote on the treaty was Ireland, where the treaty was voted down in June. In democratic states, it is common practice to vote on constitutions and constitutional amendments.

In June 2008, it was revealed that for several years, the foreign police (“foreign service”) had deliberately misled citizens seeking family reunification. The foreign police had, in violation of EU rules, refused to inform citizens that they could move to another EU country – e.g. Sweden – with their spouse/girlfriend and from there move on to Denmark. Since 2001, the state’s hatred against foreigners has forced thousands of couples to settle in Sweden.

On December 31, 2008, Denmark left in the deepest silence the “Iraq Coalition”, of which the country had been a member since Fogh Rasmussen’s lie in March 2003: “Iraq has weapons of mass destruction. It’s not something we think. That’s something we know ». 5½ years later, after dozens of deaths of Danish soldiers and thousands of Iraqis died, Denmark announced in deepest silence. No evaluation or analysis was to be made of one of the greatest foreign policy fads of recent times. Twenty days later, the term of office of Fogh Rasmussen’s closest political and war ally George Bush ended, replaced by Barack Obama with a policy that in security, economy, energy and environment was far to the left of Rasmussen’s xenophobic war policy. Obama’s first step was to close the Guantanamo concentration camp and he subsequently tried to get the European countries to accept the torture victims from the camp who were in dire need of rehabilitation. The Danish government marked its distance from the closure of the camp by purely refusing to accept any of the camp’s victims.

In December 2008 and January 2009, Israel conducted massacres against the people of Gaza. The Israeli war crimes happened with the backing of the Danish government. A Danish-backed center working on the rehabilitation of torture victims in Gaza was hit by grenades during Israel’s massacres and the Danish government subsequently refused to demand war damages for Israel. In early February 2009, Denmark hosted a conference to discuss naval blockade of Gaza. In international law, military blockades are a war step, so the moment Denmark would participate in a blockade of Gaza, Denmark would technically be at war with Palestine. The UN and UN organizations repeatedly stated at the end of 2008 that Israel’s blockade of Gaza is a collective punishment of the Palestinians and thus a gross violation of 4. Geneva Convention and thus a war crime. If Denmark participates in the blockade, the country is also guilty of war crimes.

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